Mexican soldiers clashed with members of an armed citizen’s militia
group. Multiple casualties were reported. Mexico’s government recently
amped up its presence in the surrounding state of Michoacan after
ongoing conflicts between armed civilians and drug cartel members have
escalated. A recent push by the vigilante group to drive members of the
Caballeros Templarios drug cartel out of the city of Apatzingan has led
to an even more complicated situation. While heavily armed soldiers
congregated in the center of Apatzingan, other units operating outside
of the city tried to disarm some of the vigilantes. During the
operation, some soldiers reportedly fired at members of the civilian
group.
Gloria Perez Torres, whose brother, Mario was killed in the clash with Mexican soldiers told reporters, “This is how they plan to protect the community? We don’t want them.”
Mexican security analyst Eduardo Guerrero told me, “Apatzingan is where the Caballeros Templarios are entrenched. If the government let the [vigilantes] enter there probably would have been a very violent reaction. The Caballeros would have probably massacred a lot of them.”
The L.A. Times reported “The
armed peasant groups emerged last year to fight off the cartel, which
had metastasized throughout the southwestern state, coordinating the
lucrative methamphetamine trade and extortion rackets and wielding significant control over the major container port of Lazaro Cardenas. Until
recently, the self-defense groups had been largely tolerated, if not
encouraged, by President Enrique Peña Nieto’s administration, which had
allowed them to staff some roadblocks alongside federal police and
soldiers.”
Unlike Canada’s Batman
or the super-hero style vigilantes that have emerged in some cities in
the U.S., Mexico’s self defense forces enjoy a degree of legal
recognition for the role they play in their communities. As is
well-publicized by the National Rifle Association and other pro-gun
groups in the U.S., the U.S. constitution provides citizens with the
right “a well regulated militia” and also states that “being necessary
to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and
bear arms, shall not be infringed.”
Mexico’s constitution is even more explicit.
Mexico’s constitution directly explains,
“the nation is multicultural” and is “originally based on indigenous
peoples.” The constitution states that groups that preserve at least
part of their pre-colonial traditions can “recognize their own
authorities in accordance with their own usos y custumbres.”
Subject to the other tenets of the constitution and the protection of
individual rights, indigenous communities are granted the authority to “apply their own normative systems in the regulation and resolution of internal conflicts.”
In the 1970s, changes to Article 10 of Mexico’s constitution, which
once guaranteed the right to keep and bear arms, as well as the passage
of new federal firearms control laws,
made it virtually impossible for private citizens to purchase and carry
guns. While the constitution protects the right for citizens to store
non-military guns within their homes, a total absence of private gun
stores and a ban on private gun stores have more or less erased the
legal consumer market for firearms. Article 9 of Mexico’s federal
firearm law bans private ownership of pistols with a caliber over nine
millimeters. Like the constitution itself, the firearms regulations
grant special privileges to rural residents and traditional lifestyles.
The law states that “ejidatarios, community members and farmworkers in
the countryside, outside of urban zones” can own pistols, .22 caliber rifles, and all shotguns other than those with military-style short-length barrels.
While Mexico’s Federal Firearms Laws
place serious restrictions on the right to carry arms, there is an
exception for “police institutions” that “comply with federal and local
legal frameworks.” In all cases, the permission to carry a weapon can be
revoked if the carrier “makes bad use of the weapons.”
So, while Mexico’s constitution does provide indigenous communities
with the right to self-regulate their own police and judiciary systems,
the armed groups in Michoacan appear to have taken on a different sort
of profile. Unlike the poorly armed citizen police I met with in August in the town of Xaltianguis near the Pacific resort city Acapulco, (see here for article and photos) the so-called “self defense” forces in Michoacan ride around in pickup trucks wearing bullet-proof vests and carrying modern, military grade weapons.
What this means is that the security dynamic in Michoacan is only
getting more complicated. Guerrero told me, “I think the auto-defensas
are out of the government’s control and will keep trying to advance.
[The government] is going to supervise the auto-defensas and try to
limit their territorial expansion, but they can’t disarm the
auto-defensas because then the Caballeros Templarios would come back to
the towns they’ve been pushed out of and kill the unarmed militia
members.”
The Associated Press reported
“After initially arresting the vigilantes months ago, the federal
government appeared to be working with them recently. The army and
Federal Police have provided helicopter cover and road patrols while the
self-defense groups attacked the cartel, but never intervened in the
battles.”
Now, the government appears to have shifted its stance again.
“The federal government has been erratic,” Guerrero told me.
So far Mexico’s government has focused on the need for enforcing laws
that ban citizens from owning military style weapons. Although Mexico’s
tough gun laws prevent companies such as Smith & Wesson (which earns 9 percent of its revenue
in Latin America) and Sturm Ruger from directly selling weapons in
Mexico, for years such military grade weapons have been sold under the
loose rules permitted in U.S. border states and smuggled south of the
border to Mexico.
Mexico’s Interior Minister and top security policy architect Osorio Chong has called on Michoacan’s vigilante groups go back
to their homes. He also warned there would be “no tolerance” for anyone
found in possession of illegal military-grade weapons. He also
suggested that militia members should consider joining official police
forces — or report crimes a toll-free tip line.
In a radio interview self-defense group leader Hipolito Mora vowed to “continue
in our struggle,” and said the groups have no plans to hand over their
weapons. “It’s easy to say [we should disarm], because they’ve never
lived through the hell that we’ve lived through,” Mora said.
At an event on January 13 in Morelia, Michoacán’s capital city, Chong
said that the federal government would take control of the Tierra
Caliente region of the sate.
“Rest assured that we will contain the violence in Michoacán,” he said.
Esteban Barragán, a professor at the Center for Rural Studies at the College of Michoacán explained, “The complexity of the problem lies in the fact that no one knows who is involved in the conflict anymore.”
“Who is a genuine vigilante, and who is a member of the Knights Templar cartel or who is just taking advantage of the chaotic situation for a personal vendetta?” he asked.
“Tierra Caliente has become a no man’s land full of personal
vendettas, serial kidnappings, forced disappearances, and murders that
come and go unnoticed, every day,” Mr. Barragán said.
As they move out of their home communities and go on the offensive,
the armed citizen groups are also stepping outside of the bounds of the
statutes of Mexico’s constitution that have been used to provide self
defense forces with a veneer of legitimacy over the past year.
So far, however, they are still being left with room to operate.
Vigilante group spokesman Estanislao Beltran said “We don’t have confidence in the government,” he said. “We’ve asked for help for years and have received the same.”
So far President Peña Nieto has made his economic agenda his top
public priority and has distanced himself from Mexico’s security
problems. As the conflict continues to evolve in Michoacan a clear
security strategy for the state will be essential.
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